Why have I chosen to write about this? According to RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network), only 2.5% of sexual assault cases lead to the imprisonment of the assaulter. Roughly 58% of women and 31% of men experience sexual harassment after entering higher education, no university is an exception to that. Besides gender division, aspects like sexual orientation and race can increase the risk of being sexually harassed exponentially. For example, according to a research by the department of Gender Studies at Science Po, 0,9% of straight men report being raped at the university, whereas for queer men thats roughly 10%. Besides the undeniable relevance of the issue, it may be a topic that is uncomfortable to discuss for some, even when others have to live through this daily. 

Historically, sexual violence has often been perceived as an isolated, personal crime. However, feminist movements like #MeToo have reframed it as a systemic issue deeply rooted in social and political power dynamics. The heightened visibility of #MeToo during Donald Trump’s presidency revealed how political actors and state institutions can either empower or silence victims, highlighting the inherently political nature of sexual violence. 

Understanding the state’s role in perpetuating or preventing sexual violence is crucial for developing effective legal reforms and social justice strategies. During my studies at SU (my side quest is getting a political science degree there in case my artistic side won’t pay off), I have had quite a few discussions on the topic and read thought-provoking publications and theories by Michel Foucault, Susan Moller Okin, and Catharine MacKinnon. Using that research I conclude that sexual violence reinforces patriarchal dominance, sustains social hierarchies, and illustrates the state's power in regulating bodies; only my girlfriend can regulate my body by cooking me healthy meals.

Michel Foucault’s analysis of power and biopolitics helps illuminate how states regulate sexuality through surveillance, discipline, and/or religion and normative practices. According to Foucault, disciplinary power operates by imposing social norms that define acceptable sexual behaviour, influencing societal perceptions of sexuality and violence. State institutions, through legal frameworks and public policies, either reinforce or challenge patriarchal norms. Historically, laws have often protected male interests and honour rather than women’s bodily autonomy. And before you get the thought “But men are suffering from it too!” and stop reading, be so fr, 99% of perpetrators are men, while 91% of victims are women worldwide according to WHO and RAINN. Back to the topic - marital rape remained unrecognized as a crime in every U.S. state until 1993, demonstrating how legal standards institutionalize gender inequality. 30 years ago in the US, it was okay, legally speaking, to sexually assault your partner, which, with the more recent political environment, has a chance of “making a comeback” in the future. 

Sweden provides another example, where until the 1980s, rape laws required proof of physical resistance, effectively shifting blame onto victims and normalizing sexual violence. Yeah, right, why was the victim not fighting back double my size? And what was she wearing? As if the problem is not in him being violent, but in her not using violence in response. Foucault’s theories explain how such laws and cultural narratives perpetuate gendered power dynamics, further embedding sexual violence as a societal norm.